The Jameson Raid and the First Prime Minister, 1912

Those blasted Boers; I cannot believe they would interfere with my plans. I formulated the perfect plan, the Jameson Raid, to take over the Transvaal Colony (controlled by the Boers), but the Boers were intelligent enough to see the invasion coming. The intentions of the raid were for 600 other men and I, co-founder of the De Beers mining company, to attack Johannesburg with only a small amount of artillery but enough to catch the Boers off-guard. The raid was a failure when my men and I attempted to outflank a small number of Boer officials but failed miserably. Followed by the raid, was a miserable loss to the guerrilla fighting Boers in the Anglo-Boer War as well. The mishaps of the raid and war were enough to reinstate Cecil Rhodes, my comrades’, authority of Prime Minister. After a few other member of the Progressive Party, Cecil Rhodes, and I were forced to return to Britain, we almost faced the death penalty for Treason. Even though it seemed as if Rhodes and I used violence as our first method to expand British imperialism, Cecil Rhodes did suggest “If they work for me in the Diamond mines then I will let them and there families stay in Rhodesia and I will not, and never have nor will treat them as slaves.”

Cecil Rhodes became sick and faced a tragic death due to illness in 1902. At this time I began to rebound politically and attempt to become elected as Prime Minister of the Cape Colony. In 1904, my wish became possible, and I was elected by the Cape Colony Parliament to be the Prime Minister. As I became Prime Minister, I began to see through the eyes of the Afrikaner (Boers) civilization, and began negotiating with the Afrikaners. Although forced to resign as Prime Minister, I did help bring British influence to the formation of the Union of South Africa led by its first Prime Minister Louis Botha. My efforts pushed for British influence on South Africa, and Botha did hear me out by promoting British respect and customs throughout all of the South African colonies, including the Transvaal colony. The reason British officials in South Africa and I decided to negotiate British power in South Africa with Botha instead of bring tension between the Afrikaners and us again is because we were able to influence Botha to grant Britain some power and control in South Africa even after losing to the Boers in the Anglo-Boer War. To my understanding, this would be the first time we, the British, would exhibit British influence into the Afrikaner colonies. If Rhodes and I could have thought of negotiating with the Afrikaner Colonies instead of attempting to raid the Afrikaners, we as well could’ve held some control and influence in the Afrikaner Colonies for the British years ago. By using communication as a tactic of continuing our plan in ruling South Africa, we have come to realize that this imperialism tactic truly worked, and for the first time ever, we have made progress in extending British customs and influence to the Transvaal colony and the rest of Afrikaner civilization in South Africa.

Afrikaner Nationalism, 1925

Hello, I am an Afrikaner born and raised in the Transvaal colonies. You may also know us Afrikaners by the term Boer as well. I would like to bring to your attention my history including the broad ranged Afrikaner nationalism. First of all, Afrikaners completely and utterly rule all form of politics in South Africa. We feel that the promotion of White/Christian superiority is completely necessary by all means as well as promoting the Afrikaans language over any other language. Our strict nationalism has been developed throughout the original years of Afrikaner existence (1850), but it is clearly shown after our victory in the Anglo-Boer War taking place for three years (1899-1902). Our political representation is spread widely throughout South Africa beginning in the hands of Prime Minister Louis Botha and now switching the position over to Prime Minister Jan Christiaan Smuts.

After British rule in South Africa came to a close and a true rise of the Afrikaners became obvious, relations with the British were shaky but were maintained by Louis Botha. Although most Afrikaans were more for the Afrikaans language over the English language, Botha did form an agreement with the British to preserve British customs and power in South Africa. As time grew on though, more and more people became disillusioned by Botha’s relationship with the British, and Afrikaans wanted complete control over South Africa without any British influence. In 1914, the original National Party was formed to advance white, Afrikaner supremacy in South Africa. As the party grew, Afrikaner superiority was further advanced, and more people disfavored British control promoted by Louis Botha, although British power still remained in colonies such as the Cape Colony.

A few years ago, Afrikaner nationalists, including myself, supported strikes formulated by white labor unions because they felt as if a movement to relax the rules on labor preferences for whites working in gold mines was completely unfair. In 1922, the workers on strike and those who supported the strikers sequestered Johannesburg, and they also established the White Workers’ Republic. Jan Smuts, who was currently the Prime minister during these strikes, quickly crushed the rebel white laborers and maintained order in the Republic of South Africa. His glory only remained for a few years because many members of the white labor force including myself began to support a man named J. B. M. Hertzog, who in 1924 became Prime Minister. Smuts also lost his support because of statements like “The British Empire is the greatest stimulant of organized freedom which the world has ever known. By geography, by experience, by practical idealism, by political maturity, by character, the British have a part to play which no other race could do so well.” All of us Afrikaners don’t really want our Prime Minister to promote further British authority in South Africa. I for one am completely supportive of Hertzog and think he has a lot to bring to the Republic of South Africa. He is in complete support of Afrikaner supremacy, and he is in less favor of British power in South Africa. I believe that not only will he enhance Afrikaner superiority even further in South Africa, but also he will be able to maintain order over the Republic of South Africa. The only thing about Prime Minister Hertzog that truly strikes me as quivering is his plan to keep the economy in line because his focus on applying a legislative agenda that would follow Afrikaner nationalism could possibly lead to a repression. All in all I still remain in favor of Hertzog because of his willingness to further advance the supremacy of the Afrikaner ideologies.




-Afrikaner Citizen, July 15th, 1925

the Great Depression, 1936

Hello, I am Prime Minister J.B.M. Hertzog, and although, people say I have brought the economy into a “Great Depression”, I have been reelected due to my support of Afrikaner supremacy and Afrikaner ideologies. The only reason some people question my reelection is because of the economic state South Africa is in, but I feel it is just a minor obstacle in the road to creating a powerful nation. To all of those who are in question in whether I should remain in power or not, I have decided to acquire my former rival, Jan Smuts, to be my deputy Prime Minister. Together we will for a new party called the United Party. With Smuts, I feel that the unbalanced economic problem can be fixed with ease. Because Smuts and I are two very different people, both of our ideas combined will not only restore the economy, but I feel that our ideas will greatly enhance the South African Economy as well.

First, I would like to discuss to you why the economy fell apart in the first place, so all of my viewers will have a better idea on the issue. I should not be taking the blame for this minor economic collapse because world trade slumped, so demand for South African goods decreased. Therefore, it is much tougher to export goods from South Africa to other nations right now. This also destroyed the Afrikaner rural farmers, which had effect on the economy because the lack of crops and farming goods able to be sold or exported caused a large portion of the agricultural industry to result in the inability to pay mortgages on their over-capitalized farms. People suggest that my unfair taxation could be one reason for the economic downfall, but our government’s reason for raising the prices of taxes is because in a few years there will be enough money to completely restore the economy and build off of the restored economy thanks to my deputy Prime Minister Jan Smuts. He has a brilliant plan to display a mock budget to the public showing how floating the South African pound and removing it from the Gold standard, making exports more attractive to other nations, can uplift the economic problem. Many people question the command of Smuts because he does favor the British mining labor owners.

Another problem that has arisen to the public is the disease that has struck mines in South Africa, which has led to quite a few deaths. Citizens of Sought Africa are placing the blame on me as well as questioning my decision in putting Smuts in command, so another party called the Purified National Party was recently formed, led by D.F. Malan. As of now, many people are in support of this new National Party, but I know that Smuts, the rest of my newly formed United Party, and I will prevail over the Purified National Party. The fact of the matter is that the United Party has a functional economic plan that will do more than restore the economy, and the political control of two experienced, intelligent leaders will clearly succeed over one man who has never even been a Prime Minister yet. The only reason why Malan has an advantage over our United Party is because ardent Afrikaner nationalists are dissatisfied with our inability to further promote Afrikaner nationalism, which I believe is ridiculous because we clearly have put Afrikaner superiority over anything else in South Africa. It is just that the Purified National Party is willing to create rules that will entirely separate White, Christian Afrikaners from any other race or religion in South Africa.




-J.B.M. Hertzog, September 4th, 1936

Post World War 2 (Malan), 1949

I am D.F. Malan and I would enjoy discussing my road to power. First of all, I am the leader of the Purified National Party, but I had to wait awhile until I finally was given the chance to become Prime Minister. It took fourteen years from the assembling of the National Party to the election that allowed me to become Prime Minister of South Africa, but right now I am the current Prime Minister of South Africa. I sat back and watched the Union Party struggle, but I have to thank them because if they had never struggled to decide whether to please the Afrikaners while at the same time giving other races and religions rights, my rise to power never would have happened. I thought I would be elected Prime Minister directly after World War 2, but Jan Smuts got in my way because the citizens of South Africa decided to continue to support him for a little while after World War 2. The only reason he remained Prime Minister over me was because he was the man who came up with the brilliant plan to take the side of the British during World War 2, which defied J.B.M. Hertzog’s plan to stay neutral during the war and ultimately led to the political downfall of Hertzog although once allied with Smuts. I must give Smuts credit for his decision to remain on the side of the British in World War 2 but supply only a moderate amount of soldiers, so less than 8,000 people died. He held close relations with the British who, ended up being part of the winning side after World War 2, which elevated South Africa’s status.

Although Smuts’ World War 2 plan brought South Africa to glory, I finally received the recognition I deserved in 1948, when I was elected as Prime Minister of South Africa. I won because Smuts was not as in favor of apartheid (a term used to separate one race or religion over other races or religions) as I was. Although I wanted to remain neutral during the war, I remained low key about my opinion on what position South Africa should take during World War 2, so I did not look as bad when the British, with a few other countries, won World War 2 and Smuts’ plan worked. Since I was pro-separation of whites and blacks, all the Afrikaner-dominated rural areas supported my campaign and since they are given unequal electoral weight due to Afrikaner supremacy, it became much easier to win the election. Smuts did put up a good fight, but he is the type of man who is not as willing to completely segregate a race to gain the vote of the primary, most meaningful voters. I was committed to sanctioning white supremacy and the political, economic, and social subordination of blacks in South Africa. I know that black voters and other supporters of white/black equality were not willing to vote for me and as a matter of fact are entirely against my ruling, but I also know that what I am doing makes sense because clearly the Afrikaners are superior to all other races or religions in all of South Africa. It is my wish that everyone speak the Afrikaans language for their best interest, but there are those who think poorly of us because of mere jealousy. One day, I hope that every one in South Africa will become pro-apartheid and be in support of the Afrikaans because they understand how much more respectable and superior we are compared to other races or religions, but as of now, I am fine with being the Prime Minister of South Africa. From there I will elevate Afrikaner supremacy.



-D.F. Malan, December 16th, 1949

Beginning of the Apartheid, 1953

Although Afrikaners including Prime Minister Malan would disagree, from the perspective of a Black citizen of South Africa, the apartheid is completely unfair and unnecessary. I mean who is to say that the whites should get more power and control over a nation that originally started as only blacks resided in it. Those inconsiderate Afrikaners hold basically all authority in the government because all “Coloured” authority within the government of South Africa has been abolished, and now a bunch of Europeans are supposed to represent Black South Africans in the government. The Afrikaners think they are special and should obtain full control over the government for some apparent reason, which is absurd because they are people just like us. Just thinking about the racism expressed by all of the Afrikaans makes me upset and angry. Also, the fact that after making all the rules that basically state all Blacks in South Africa are less then people compared to the Afrikaners, they have the nerve to try and get us to speak their language. Not in a billion years will I ever speak the Afrikaans language. The most ridiculous of all of the rules brought by the apartheid is that we are not allowed to marry any Europeans. I don’t understand why it matters so much whether Blacks get married to Europeans, yet there are many things that I do not understand about this apartheid. I feel like the Afrikaners think of us as animals rather than people.

Us blacks already didn’t have as many rights as the Afrikaners even before Prime Minister Malan came to power, but if we had more control in the government I am sure the previous Prime Minister, Mr. Smuts, would be in control of South Africa right now. Even though Mr. Smuts would still create more rules against us blacks, it would be nothing like the apartheid assembled by Prime Minister Malan. If only one of us could become Prime Minister or gain control over South Africa. There is talk of a man named Nelson Mandela who is gathering a peaceful rebellion against the Afrikaners and their worthless apartheid. If only Nelson Mandela could organize a movement so large that Mr. Malan or at least most of the Afrikaners will have to understand how unjust the apartheid is. I know that one day the political and human rights in South Africa will be equal between all races and religions. The apartheid began with us blacks and other races as well as religions being influenced to switch to the Afrikaner religion, language, and way of life. I think the apartheid will come to an end reverse the way it began, starting with other races and religions having more rights in the South African government, and it will end with the Afrikaners granting the Blacks, the Indians, the Jews, etc. entire freedom.




-Black South African Citizen, June 7th, 1953

Formation and Rise of the ANC, 1960

Hi, my name is Dikeledi Goitsemedime. I am a mother of 3 children and the past 17 years have been the scariest of my life not knowing what my future will be for my children or myself. Late in World War II, a group of youths from the ANC (African National Congress) formed an organization called the Congress Youth League or the CYL. The leader Anton Lembede wanted to spread the message that the country of South Africa was a country for blacks and that they should stand up and fight for it. He led this group powerfully from 1944 until he died in 1947. Following the war and the start of the apartheid, the new leaders Nelson Mandela, Jordan Ngubane, Peter Mda, Oliver Tambo, and Walter Sisulu, strived to take charge of the ANC. These leaders got people to adopt many forms of protest messing with the apartheid system to attempt to make it fail. Overtaking the ANC president Xuma, James Moroka of the CYL took presidency and brought Sisulu, Tambo, and Mandela to the party’s national executive body.

This new body decided to form a Joint Planning council with the leaders of the South African Indian Congress (SAIC) to get the government to deactivate unjust laws or face a Defiance Campaign starting on April 6 1952 so that they would not be active on the arrival of Jan van Riebeeck at the Cape February 1952. This proposal was shut down by Malan, which triggered Yusuf Dadoo to pull together large rallies and stay-at-homes for April 6 and June 26. This was very popular with thousands of men and women but the government struck back by banning leaders and newspapers and anyone who took place in any demonstrations under the Suppression of Communism Act. But that did not stop anyone because in December of 1952 around 8,500 people were arrested, most of them being in Cape, and the attempt at the Defiance Campaign had failed with no impact on any laws whatsoever. Although that had a large effect on the ANC, paid memberships increased about 93,000 memberships from 7,000 at the beginning of the year. The ANC also took another huge hit when Moroka had left office shamefully later pleading guilty to charges under the Suppression of Communism Act which gave the presidency to Albert Luthuli.

Throughout 1953 to 1955, the ANC and the SAIC were very limited with putting together publicity due to many government restrictions like house arrests and bandings. On June 25 and 26, about 3,000 delegates met near Soweto in a Congress of people. The black ANC, white Congress of Democrats, Indian SAIC, and the Coloured People’s Congress represented the political organizations and the South African Congress of Trade Unions (SACTU). The reason this congress was formed was to make South Africa the peaceful, protest-less country that is dreamed by many people who want peace, freedom and equality. The Freedom Charter was the main document that was discussed and had been put together many weeks before the SACTU even met. This document pushed that the country of South Africa should have no racial differences that have some races or groups of people with benefits, advantages, or disadvantages. This document stated that South Africa should be racially equal and that it should be “shared among those who work it…” and “…share in the country’s wealth” which shows the first powerful demand for nationalization in South Africa. Congress delegates had ratified almost all of the sections of the charter while police were surrounding the building suspected acts of treason being committed, and took note of every name and address of those in attendance.

Luthuli, Mandela, Tambo, Sisulu, and 156 other leaders were arrested in 1956 by the police and put on trial for treason in a court case that lasted five years. But with many leaders put away, thousands of supporters still continued to fight for their beliefs in bus boycotts on the Rand, walking to work instead of paying high bus fares for just OK transportation vehicles. Then, the newly formed Federation of South African Women (FSAW) formed by thousands of South African women, challenged the extension of the pass laws. 20,000 of those women presented a petition with tens of thousands of people who opposed these passed laws to the Parliament buildings in Pretoria that they marched on. Although these strong efforts made some noise that Nationalist government was still determined to put the apartheid into action.

In 1959 the lack to achieve any success caused a major split in black resistance. Arguments within the ANC were saying that the failure of representation of African interests were due to the fact that the ANC forced the organization to make too many compromises because of its alliances with other political groups, especially to be believed the white Congress of Democrats. The ANC looked to African interests first and to take a stronger stand to challenge the government more influenced by the writings of Lembede, the Africanists, led by Robert Sobukwe. But these supporters were not appreciated by the ANC and were kicked out but went to form their own group called the Pan-Africanist Congress (PAC). In March this year the PAC began a national campaign against the pass laws and got Africans to go outside of police stations without their passes and tried to get the police to arrest them. In the “native” town of Sharpeville, the industrial area of Vereeniging just south of Johannesburg ended in violence when the police wounded 186 demonstrators and killed 67 of them most of the dead and wounded shot in the back. Although this tragedy was a massacre, the PAC still had peaceful marches of 30,000 Africans on the Houses of parliament in Cape Town. Verwoerd’s government was mad and decided to declare a state of emergency in where 18,000 demonstrators were arrested, including both ANC and PAC leaders and an ending result of both organizations being outlawed.

Now that everything has recently finished its climax of activity it is safe to say that no one truly knows what will happen in the next few years. With many people still in shock, what are we supposed to do with a large portion of our country in prison for trying to express their beliefs and dreams for their country? This is a place where people should be calling South Africa their home but why do we want to call it home or even live here when all there is competition and turmoil. I am scared for my children, my country, and myself because if we have to endure anymore of this craziness, people will start to go mad and then things will get really violent. I hope I am not the only person who feels this way or else I do not know how I can live with all of this nonsense.




-Dikeledi Goitsemedime, November 19th, 1960

ANC and PAC Take Violent Action, 1966

Hi, my name is Johnathan Umlutkiti and I am a citizen of Johannesburg and I am also writing to make people aware of all of the turmoil, and terror that has been going on in South Africa for the past 6 years. I have witnessed everything that has gone on since 1943 when most of the craziness started with political groups such as the ANC to the PAC clashing with the government about who should have rights, and what rights those people should have. The disagreements with these rebellious political groups and the South African government have caused many deaths to the people of our country and have scared people away from within and outside of our land.

After the many of the high ranking members of the ANC and PAC were arrested and these group were banned by the government, the remaining members that were hotheaded and now even more furious decided to keep their group going strong but underground so they could still express their beliefs. The military part of the ANC run by Umkhonto we Sizwe targeted specific places like police stations and power plants to make a point but to make sure that no human beings were injured or killed for any reason at all. The PAC military sector of only blacks run by Poqo took a more violent stance by picking out African chiefs and headmen that were supposively working with the government and assassinated them. A few fed up young white students and professionals formed an organization called the antiapartheid African resistance Movement, and executed several bomb attacks killing at least one person at the railway station in Johannesburg.

Although these groups were kept a secret all of the movements and demonstrations attempted were shut down by police by 1964. In 1963 17 Umkhonto high ranking officers were arrested in Rivonia at a farm house including Nelson Mandela and Walter Sisulu who were already put in jail on other charges but now put in prison for life on treason charges. 6 other officers of those 17 besides Mandela and Sisulu were put in prison for life on the same charges if not similar. Winning a Nobel Peace Prize in 1960, Albert Luthuli was confined in his rural home in Zululand until his death in 1967 by the government. Escaping from South Africa, Tambo became the president of the underground operated ANC in exile. Up until 1967 Robert Sobukwe of Poqo was jailed on Robben Island and then was placed under house arrest in Kimberley and a banning order until he passed away in 1978. After marching into the gallows at the Johannesburg railway station singing “We shall overcome”, he was later hung.

John Vorster, minister of justice and General Hendrik J. van den Bergh who was head of the Bureau of State Security also known as BOSS, put together the plot involving the government to defeat internal resistance. Both of these men were interned for promoting Nazi activity during World War II, after being former members of the Ossewabrandwag. To put down the resistance, Vorster and van den Bergh used new security legislation. To do this the General Law Amendment Act of 1963 allowed the police to detain people for 90 days without charging them and not letting them even contact a lawyer. But then after those people were detained for 90 days, they could then be re-detained for another 90 day period without being charged or being able to contact a lawyer, and since the courts could not order a person’s release, only the minister of justice could. But since he was in on shutting down internal government resistance, these people could be stuck for awhile. Due to his success in shutting down the ANC and the PAC, Vorster became the prime minister South Africa in 1966 after a coloured parliamentary messenger assassinated Verwoerd.

Now that I have witnessed 23 years of argumentation between political groups and the South African government, I would not be surprised if the government continued to argue with rebellious citizens who are fighting to have the rights that they deserve. This government has killed and wounded innocent people who are trying to let their beliefs and dreams be let known to the government so they can live their lives in peace. I would not be surprised to see this continue even though the ANC and the PAC really do not have much leadership anymore, but the desires are still out there of the people who are in these organizations. All I want is this fighting in our country to end and for South Africa to live in peace and harmony with the government and the people, working together to have both of their wants and needs met to make us stronger and more united as people and as a country.




-Johnathan Umlutkiti, February 12th, 1966

From the Jail Cell, 1962

Hello, if you have not already heard of me, my name is Nelson Mandela, and I am a leader in the citizens of South Africa who are not in favor of the apartheid. I have chosen to take the first step to lead the ANC who oppose the apartheid so we can let our government know that we should all be equal, have rights, and be a country as one. I am not the only one who has struggled to live the life that our government has given us to live in indignity and poverty. But I know that if we unite the citizens of South Africa, that we can make this country a place where people want to live and live happily with equality and the rights that our people deserve.

I was the first person in my entire family to go to a mission school where I received my name Nelson Mandela, but my friends and supporters of the ANC also commonly know me by my clan name Madiba. When my father defied a police officer and I started to live the nice life as a herd boy. I became an advisor to the Thembu royal house and a regent of the Thembu people at the age of nine after the death of my father. Slowly, I became more well-known in my tribe and even throughout my country. The elders in my tribe thought that I could retain more knowledge if I observed and if they taught me Xhosa history and culture. At the Thembu court I learned free speech and consensus decision making from the elders at the Thembu court, and even Dutch and British imperialism. I thought that I should follow my mother in my religious career so I became baptized in the Methodist Church, so I enrolled into a few mission schools. At the Clarkebury Boarding Institute where I decided to receive my education, where I reveled in sports and learned that ability is more important than lineage. After going to Clarkebury, I made the decision to continue my education at the Wesleyan College at Fort Beaufort, the largest liberal arts school south of the equator for Africans. At the college I learned to interact with other tribes, think on my own, and the respect the British manners. When I was 21 I enrolled at the University College at Fort Hare, the only place where South Africans could receive a higher education, where I studied law and joined the Student Christian Association where I met Oliver Tambo. I started my bachelors’ but did not complete it until 1943 because I did not agree with the principle of the voting system for the Student Representative Council. I then joined the ANC when I met Walter Sisulu and other leaders while I was studying law. After receiving my law degree in 1951, Oliver Tambo and I opened up South Africa’s first black law firm. Not long after that, myself along with 8,500 other blacks were arrested under the Suppression of Communism Act. I was later forbidden to attend meetings and restricted to Johannesburg. After being on trial from 1957-1961, I was acquitted of treason and was a free man kind of, once again. I then went underground with the ANC afraid of being re-arrested on new charges. I visited several countries looking for assistance for the ANC’s guerilla campaign. After returning to South Africa, I was convicted of conspiracy to overthrow the government, and sentenced life in prison in 1962, where I currently am writing this at the moment.



-Nelson Mandela, November 21st, 1962

Racial Equality Improvement, 1982

Hi my name is Albert Ponucata and I am a citizen of South Africa that has been paying very close attention to what has been going on involving the apartheid and my country’s people. The white political parties started to split due to the political and economic pressures that have been building up for years. In 1968 three conservatives were kicked out of Vorster’s cabinet. One of those three was the son of J.B.M. Hertzog who founded the Reconstituted National Party advocating that no concessions should be made in pursuing the apartheid. The HNP contested elections in 1970 and also four years later without winning a single seat from Vorster. But in 1978 a scandal was brought to the public’s knowledge of Vorster and many small supporters including the head of security, which showed that they those people had used government funds to secretly and illegally manipulate the media and purchase newspapers including the Washington Star. This is where P.W. Botha became the prime minister after being minister of defense since 1966.

Botha was supported by Afikaner businessmen and by armed forces leaders and initiated a self styled program of reform, which dealt with the smaller aspects of the apartheid. He also put two government commissions appointed to investigate the way labor and pass laws were applied to Africans. Then the Wiehahn Commission established in the aftermath of the strike wave of the 1970’s and argued that blacks should be allowed to be a part of trade unions and should be recognized as part of the official conciliation process. This also proposed that the elimination of statutory job reservation. All of these recommendations were approved in 1979 and resulted with huge growth in African trade unionism in the early 1980’s.

At the same time Botha deemed his enemies in order to ensure that white power would be held securely. South Africa became involved with their military in the 70’s and 80’s with extensive and multiple military interventions in the states bordering and political efforts to wipe out SWAPO in Namibia. The ANC was considered to be shut down after many arrests and bandings took place including the one of Nelson Mandela and Walter Sisulu who were big roles in the underground ANC. Botha set up enough houses within the government so that each race was represented in the government which showed a slight depletion in the apartheid efforts.

Botha held a vote for only whites that asked if the proposals made to equal out the races in the government were supported for this constitutional change in South Africa. Many government officials were completely against these constitutional rearrangements and believed that this should exclude Africans from having any political role in South Africa. Many other politicians and businessmen were speaking alike agreeing that any change in the apartheid would be an improvement, but two thirds of those who participated in the referendum voted yes and the new houses of the South African government were formed.



-Albert Ponucata, January 2nd, 1982

Limited Reforms Against the Apartheid, 1989

As a member of the National Union of Mineworkers, led by Cyril Ramaphosa, I myself am very enraged with the new constitution that came into effect in 1984. This constitution, replacing the single House of Parliament, institutes three new bodies, consisting of one-hundred and seventy-eight all white House of Assembly, eighty-five colored members of the House of Representatives, and a forty-five member House of Delegates consisting of all Indian decent. As thankful as I am that South Africa has made an attempt towards a less-segregated nation, there is still a large portion of social, economic, and most evidently, political discrimination against the non-white population. This new constitution, despite the few socialistic changes, still allows whites to retain their ultimate power, leaving people like myself on the bottom of society yet again. Not only do the whites still remain in almost full power, but the state presidential vote of 1984 was decided by an eighty-eight member electoral college, consisting of a white: colored: Indian ratio of 4:2:1, giving P.W. Botha (of white decent) the first presidential position.

These acts of discrimination are just a few more things advocating the Apartheid, as it is becoming more challenging every day to envision a nation in which all men are equal, and are not racially targeted. With vast support to why we, the non-white people of South Africa, shall be given full freedom, I am pleased that we are using it to fight for our independence, as new protests and reforms have begun. Holding strongly against the government’s plans that seventy-five percent of the country’s work force is non-white, yet the role in government, freedom of land ownership, education, and voting rights is still very limited to the colored or Indian population, the United Democratic Front has strived towards gaining independence and persuading the government to do away with the Apartheid and create a new South Africa. Consisting of over one thousand delegates representing nearly five-hundred and seventy-five organizations to start, this group has been a model towards the non-white people, as it has aimed to use nonviolent means to reach their goal of establishing an independent nation, one in which race has nothing to do with rank in society.

Now, after several years of protests, this organization, one in which myself has joined and have learned to follow, has increased its members to more than three-million people from about six-hundred organizations. Over these few years, this front has exponentially increased its strength in power as well, as two of our largest spokesman, Bishop Desmond Tutu and the Reverend Allan Boesak, have gained more trust and belief from the South African government. Along side are the many other black trade unions, which have displayed a key role in economic and political protests in the past couple years. One of these unions, the National Union of Mineworkers, or NUM, the union in which I take great pride in being a part of, put an end to our work in 1985 as we protested greatly over our poor wages and the refusal to increase those wages. This protest is just one prime example of how we, the discriminated and discouraged people of South Africa have fought to gain our full independence. Despite these peaceful, nonviolent protests, many non-whites have brought extreme calamities to parts of our nation due to their violent acts of protestation. For example, government buildings, government official’s houses, and many other belongings of those who advocate for the Apartheid have been destroyed, burned, and attacked. These attacks, all of which derive from the anger and fury we have going through these discriminatory acts, have been counterattacked with more violence. Disaster has broken out in several places as these members of the pro-Apartheid campaign have fought back and sought to destroy and eliminate any person who intends to disturb governmental property. Following these controversies, President Botha issued several state of emergencies in hope to calm the tension between both sides. With over three hundred thousand deaths in these times of emergency, fortunately, Mr. Botha had the decency to acknowledge the stupidity of the Apartheid, declaring it as an outgrown, outdated concept of a system. However, this led to a stronger yield towards demands for racial equality, an even more uptight government.

Following this were more violent outbreaks within our nation, as well as a change in presidency in Frederik W. de Klerk. Now, in the year of 1989, I firmly believe and hope that through all we have been through as a nation, our government will burn out its advocation for the Apartheid, ultimately leading to our full independence of the non-white community.



-An angry miner, March 29th, 1989

Dismantling the Apartheid, 1990

As President of South Africa, I myself, Frederik W. de Klerk, have incontestably noticed the segregation actions taken upon by our nation in the last several decades, and even more specifically, the last few years. The Apartheid, with initial intentions to seal off the black, or non-white, population from key aspects of government and the economy, as well as putting subtle restrictions on their social lives, has exponentially expanded into a political genocide. In the past ten years, our awareness of the animosity these non-white civilians have felt towards our government has grown increasingly larger every year, as more and more acts of protestation have occurred. Almost a year ago, it appeared to me that our political parties, whom were partially weak, were lacking depth in future positions, and the sole reason was because of one simple thing: our ignorance to allow the rights for political equality to all. By this, I did not say that the Apartheid shall be exterminated, nor shall I enforce our government to yield and destroy all pro-Apartheid groups, as well as the Afrikaner volk, but I did, however, feel the need to bring the black majority of South Africans into the political process, not just with small acknowledgement, but with full freedom in governmental activities.

To initiate these intentions, I decided to hold private discussions with the imprisoned ANC leader Nelson Mandela to begin preparations for this major policy shift. Within these talks, we debated the rights of a non-white man, and his current and future role in both politics, as well as in society. Through these talks, I truly learned what the Apartheid was like for a man such as Mandela, and the impact it had on all aspects of their lives. Behind bars for over three decades, this man had not only taught himself to compose his frustration and look at his imprisonment through a positive eye, but he had established philosophy, building upon his non-violence attitude towards the Apartheid. He explained to me that the cultural diversity would one day create a beauty within our nation, and not hatred, prejudicial fueled war. Ultimately, back in February, I declared Nelson Mandela a free man, leaving his imprisonment of twenty-seven years, as well as unbanning the anti-Apartheid groups the ANC, the PAC, and the SACP. Along with this public release, I ensured that there was to be removals on the restrictions of the UDF, a legal political organization.

Following these announcements, I shocked both supporters and critics in lifting the four-year old media restrictions, which led to multiple discussions on preparing for a new multiracial constitution. One of these discussions I had, in which I invited a former liberation fighter to join me at the negotiating table, encouraged me to pledge that the new government would investigate and target the alleged humans rights abuses that partook in past decades, as well as improving relations with other nations in Africa by requesting other leaders of African nations to increase their trade with South Africa, as well as proposing a joint regional development plan. By introducing these allowances and new forms of political thinking, I received a mixed vibe from the entire nation, as well as different opinions within the same groups. Although praised and thanked by the many liberation fighters, protesters, and anti-Apartheid group members, I was also criticized for only giving freedom towards a limited and selected group of organizations. More severely, I was criticized the most by anti-apartheid members for lacking the ban of the two most despised legislative pillars of apartheid, the Population Registration Act and the Group Areas Act. Consuming this criticism, I believed that banning these laws at the time would have thrown my presidential position into a state of turmoil, as many of my staff amongst me were advocators for these pillars. However, following the release of the beloved leader of the ANC, Nelson Mandela, anti-apartheid members, and all non-white civilians of South Africa were given true hope towards full fledged freedom of political, economical, and social aspects, not just the freedom to protest and attempt to rebel against their government.

As I am glad to see where we, as a nation, had come from the last few years, there are still many movements of both pro-Apartheid and anti-Apartheid positions. I will strive to view this situation through a positive outlook, and will pledge to make all appropriate alterations, continuing to discuss frequently with both opposing sides to ultimately, make our nation, one.




-Frederik W. de Klerk, October 17th, 1990

Mandela Becomes President of South Africa, 1994

For days after the elections, I waited. I waited long, hard hours to find out the results of the previous elections, in which over twenty-two million voters stood in line for hours at some nine-thousand polls to cast their vote for South Africa’s next government, and ultimately, their next president. As tensions remained high, accusations of election fraud were strongly suggested and discussed amongst the many people of the IEC. This made me very upset, as well as frustrated, over the fact that people would suggest such a thing, meanwhile, the voting was as fair and just as could be. Eventually, after weeks of debate, the IEC gracefully certified the elections as “substantially free and fair” releasing the results on the sixth of May in that fateful year of 1994. We had done it, accomplished all that was unexpected, and defeated the strong, vigorous white supremacists and the government, who at once declared that a black man will never have the equal voice as a white man in politics, was defeated and overruled.

The official results had announced that 62.6 percent of the votes were given to the ANC, as three days following, I myself, Nelson Mandela was elected president by the National Assembly. Along side me were my two deputy presidents, former ANC chairman Thabo Mbeki and former president de Klerk, who embraced the moment during my inauguration the following day in Pretoria. Flattered, exhilarated, nervous, excited, all of these feelings overcame my body as I was swept away by the attendance of representatives from around the world. However, my overwhelming sensations were calmed by the confidence I acquired through the words of my speech, in which I stressed my determination, and the nation’s determination that will be crucial in order to establish a peaceful, nonracial society. I declared that within our nation of South Africa and outside our nation, compromising, reconciling, and engaging in a harmonious lifestyle and relationship with all is crucial in working towards a better, overall world, in which socially, economically, politically, and educationally, citizens, business owners, farmers, families, and all other people of the world will involve themselves gracefully with the new nation of South Africa. In reaffirming my determination for this peace I spoke of, I engaged in reciting the words I spoke at the Rivonia trial in which I was tried after my twenty-seven year long imprisonment, “We have, at last, achieved our political emancipation. We pledge ourselves to liberate all our people from the continuing bondage of poverty, deprivation, suffering, gender and other discrimination. We succeeded to take our last steps to freedom in conditions of relative peace. We commit ourselves to the construction of a complete, just and lasting peace. We have triumphed in the effort to implant hope in the breasts of the millions of our people. We enter into a covenant that we shall build the society in which all South Africans, both black and white, will be able to walk tall, without any fear in their hearts, assured of their inalienable right to human dignity--a rainbow nation at peace with itself and the world.”

The white rule was over, and it was time for a new change. Love, peace, diversity, all of these words in which embraced the new nation I would strive to achieve, were announced repeatedly in my inaugural speech. I also made promises, in which I pledged that the government and myself would oppose all that may harm the republic, “Never, never again will this beautiful land experience the oppression of one by another.” I pledged to devote myself to the well-being of the people, as well as treating myself as equally as anyone within the republic. All of these promises, pledges and words that came out of my mouth that fateful day have remained true and will always, under my rule remain the same.

Although there may still be tension between people, our nation as a whole has become one, and most importantly, our government, in which the atmosphere has developed into a sense of brotherhood and family, as there is peace and respect for one another, despite color diversity. We are all one in South Africa, and always will be.



-Nelson Mandela, August 10th, 1994

Freedom Day, 1996

As the former chairman of the ANC and liberal rights extremist, I, Thabo Mbeki, have shed tears of joy and happiness on this morning of the ninth of May, in the year of 1996. It is the second year marking South Africa’s day of full fledged freedom and independence for all non-white civilians of our nation, blessing all with the gratification and luxury of voting rights, economic activity, and the rights to participate in political action. The gift of freedom to exercise these abilities has opened doors, given hope, and enabled all people of all ethnicities to feel important and vital. And so, today, our nation celebrates this event in history, marking it as Freedom Day of South Africa, and the liberation of our country.

For more than three centuries, this country was dominated by the white minority, as politics weren’t just controlled by this “superior race”, but our nation became economically and socially governed by the white man. Controversial to most situations, the majority of the nation, the blacks or Indians, were ruled by these white men, as now, once we look back upon these times we pledge, "Never again would a minority government impose itself on the majority.” Nor shall a majority take advantage of a minority either, as we, the people of South Africa, are expressed as “One people with one destiny,” therefore making it utterly crucial for our diverse backgrounds to strive towards a nation of common peace and understanding of one another. From this, we have learned to adapt to celebrating not just the freedom of all people in this nation, but to commemorate the efforts of those, especially remembering members of the unions and anti-apartheid groups such as the ANC and PAC, who fought relentlessly for liberation, risking imprisonment and torture.

However, with only two years passing of this day, there are still many acts of racism throughout our nation, on top of the unemployment and poverty citizens remain to face daily. Discriminatory acts upon women, children, the poor, the sick, the disabled, and most evidently, the black population still remain in tact today, as the word “freedom” has yet to fulfill the entire nation of South Africa. We must teach ourselves to not take the freedom for granted, but to honor the dedication and devotion showed during this long, difficult fight, and to remind ourselves that it will be as hard to maintain racial equality, as it was to initially gain it.

We, the people of South Africa, celebrate this day in honor of all people of our nation, not just those who were blessed with freedom on this day, but even those who have had independence for their entire lives, in that all our people enjoy these freedoms, developing a sense of daily liberty for all.



-Thabo Mbeki, May 9th, 1996

Fifa World Cup, 2010

The Fifa World Cup, occasionally called the Soccer World Cup, is the largest, most attended, and most televised international association football competition contested by thirty-two of the men’s national teams of the members of FIFA (Federation International of Football Association). Every four years, this tournament of champions is played in a different country, in which its national pride is exhibited, hence, exploiting and utilizing its beneficial and profitable goods. This tournament is not just about the game of soccer, nor is it just about showing which country has the best players, athletes, or fans, but it is about demonstrating world peace through something we all love, conveying that peace through each individual national characteristics and most importantly, pride. This year, in the year of 2010, FIFA has selected our nation, South Africa, to host this year’s World Cup.

I, Lance Davids, member of the South African national soccer team, am honored in many ways to play in a World Cup hosted in my homeland. This opportunity means so much to not only the players, staff, and fans of our soccer team, but it means so much to the entire nation of South Africa. Firstly, from a member of the team’s standpoint, this tournament is completely beneficial for me in that our team will be one of the main focuses of this year’s classic, as opposed to the many other years in which we were looked over and weren’t targeted as one of the mainstream teams. You may ask, how does the stature, or status, of the national soccer team serve as a beneficial aspect for the country in whole? Well, most anyone in the nation of South Africa, soccer player or not, would argue that the stature of the team reflects greatly on our nation. In this, I mean that if our soccer team is dominate, or even just a bit successful in the tournament, the world would now be able to view South Africa as a well-rounded nation, with more to it than just a country with a government, laws, and an economy.

Another reason our nation hosting the FIFA World Cup is a golden opportunity is that by allowing the world to enter our nation, physically or publicly via television, newspaper, or radio, it will create a realization to the citizens of the world that South Africa is not only open and friendly towards global recreation, such as sports, but that we are open towards any global interaction, hence, a more friendly trading partner to the world.

As excited as I am for this tournament and towards the national benefits that come along with it, I am most proud that our nation has come this far, in that our racially segregated and controversial political state has come all the way to a nation that is hosting one of the largest global events. As I walk out on to the field for the opening ceremonies on the eleventh of June in this year of 2010, I will walk out with a sense of pride and dignity, as I join the millions of my South African brothers and sisters in one of our proudest moments.



-Lance Davids, April 24th, 2010